82. Taiwan Strait

Another demonstration is reportedly taking place in front of the Embassy again today. The media seem to be vigorously defending the dying incumbent government. They’re not exactly portraying the Embassy protests in a favorable light either.

Up until now, we’ve refrained from any espionage activities toward Earth’s nations. But with such overt campaigns of exclusion unfolding, foreign interference becomes increasingly hard to dismiss.

“Ain, can you sift through the electronic information within the governments of Mainland China and Democratic Korea to check whether there’s any subversion targeting Japan’s political sphere, media, or similar institutions?”

“Possible. I can gather the necessary materials and report to the captain sometime this afternoon.”

“I’m counting on you. It would’ve been better to confirm this sooner. If solid evidence emerges, it may be tricky to handle—but it could serve as a decisive leverage.”

“Isn’t just leaking it outright kind of interesting?”

“That’s true, but the problem is we can’t explain the source, and there’s no way for a third party to verify its authenticity—so it’s not exactly straightforward. If it were just a simple scandal, sure, but this isn’t that kind of thing.”

At lunchtime, in the Embassy’s Dining Hall, Ain approached while Yamada Keiichi was lounging at his desk, having just finished eating. He reported back on the matter Yamada had requested that morning.

It turned out that significant sums of cash had been channeled—via backdoor donations and similar methods—from the Continental China and Democratic Korea governments to a substantial number of politicians. Not only that, but the recipients appeared to be receiving appropriate hospitality in return.

Among the current administration’s office-holding politicians, the number of those who weren’t blacklisted was practically negligible. The issue, however, was this: while their electronic records allowed us to identify the blacklisted politicians, we couldn’t definitively prove that the others were clean.

As for broadcasting corporations, regulations on foreign voting rights and similar legal restrictions make it impossible to openly acquire shares and seize control, yet they appeared to be increasing their effective voting power through various funds—pushing board members and staff affiliated with Mainland China and Democratic Korea into key positions. They seemed to be actively providing benefits to other media outlets as well.

This is a matter involving Japan, Mainland China, and Democratic Korea—an issue beyond Agirakana’s jurisdiction. Yet if this situation continues, the immigration plan itself might be jeopardized.

The United States Navy’s Ford-class aircraft carrier, *Alice Miller*, is a vessel exceeding one hundred thousand tons in displacement. The 13th Carrier Strike Group—comprising one attack submarine, three combat vessels, and a supply ship—had previously been deployed in the Middle East, now approaching the Taiwan Strait. The route chosen was deliberately nonstandard, diverging from the usual passage through the Bashi Strait; instead, it skirted just slightly (……) toward the Taiwan side of the strait’s median line. While notification was sent to both Taiwan and Mainland China regarding the transit, only Taiwan responded with formal approval. Mainland China has issued a strongly worded condemnation.

At first, there had been objections from the Ministry of State regarding the passage of a fleet—including an aircraft carrier—through the Taiwan Strait, citing concerns that it might provoke mainland China unnecessarily. But after the president declared, “That’s precisely how our message will get across to those people,” the decision was made to proceed with a high-profile transit through the strait.

From Kadena Base, an early-warning command and control aircraft, the E-10B Vigilance, had taken off and was now on patrol. At the same base’s hangar, a full flight squadron of twelve F-15EXs stood ready to launch at any moment. Intelligence from the Vigilance was shared in real time with Carrier Strike Group 13—linked, as it were—keeping them on high alert. Onboard the full-length flight deck, two F-35Cs were prepped on electromagnetic catapults; two more stood ready on the angled deck, bringing the total to four aircraft poised for immediate deployment.

From the Shantou Waisha Air Base in Guangdong Province, China, and the Ota Air Base in Shanghai, a total of thirty-six aircraft—twelve J-31 fighters, twelve J-33s converted into strike variants, and six more J-31s—lifted off in sequence. The decision to launch, while bypassing the U.S. aircraft carrier strike group crossing the Taiwan Strait, carried a calculated risk: the potential erosion of national prestige, and the ever-present danger of an accidental military confrontation. For China, maintaining national prestige—both domestically and in its regional sphere—was not merely symbolic; it was foundational, rooted in a deeply ingrained ideological framework.

The Chinese fighter squadron, though launched from multiple airfields, was detected early by E-10B Vigilance platforms. In response, fighters were scrambled from Kadena Air Base and the USS *Alice Miller*.

At the moment the combat aircraft group on the mainland China side was identified as having J-33 attack aircraft, tension rippled through both the aircraft carrier strike group and Kadena Air Base, and additionally, one squadron each—twelve fighters per unit—were scrambled on emergency alert.

About one week after investigating mainland China and Democratic Korea’s infiltration into Japan’s political circles and mass media.

Ain came to me and reported.

“Captain, the United States aircraft carrier strike group appears to be forcibly transiting the Taiwan Strait toward Japan.”

“Taiwan Strait— that’s the strait between the mainland and Taiwan, right? Usually they pass through the outer Bashi Strait toward Japan, don’t they? Transiting through that area would provoke mainland China too much, wouldn’t it?”

"Seems so. The mainland Chinese have apparently launched fighter squadrons, including attack craft. In response, fighters have been scrambled from the carrier group and the U.S. base in Okinawa."

"Do you think armed conflict will break out between the two sides?"

"Unlikely, but we should remain vigilant."

"Understood. Continue monitoring."

"Confirmed."

The feared accidental military clash did not occur. Though aircraft from both nations had approached closely, they eventually maintained distance—no escalation ensued.

Amid the rising tension, the United States elevated its DEFCON level from 4 to 3—the first such change since the simultaneous terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001.

In response, from the Kittery Naval Base in Washington State, the lead ship of the Columbia-class nuclear-powered submarine fleet—the flagship *Columbia*—quietly launched with its full complement of sixteen fleet ballistic missiles, the Trident II (Trident D5), already armed and ready. One attack submarine accompanied it as escort.

The E-10B Vigilance is a fictional early-warning aircraft.

The J-33 is a fictional strike bomber.

I did some research for accuracy, though the details regarding the Ford-class aircraft carriers and their air assets are largely speculative.

For now, please enjoy my SF military work, *Galaxy in My Hands: Prototype Event Probability Calculation Device X-PC17*.

https://ncode.syosetu.com/n1035gi/